Thomas E. Mann
Thomas E. Mann
Thomas E. Mannis the W. Averell Harriman Chair and a senior fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution, a non-partisan think tank based in Washington, D.C. He primarily studies and speaks on elections in the United States, campaign finance reform, Senate and filibuster reform, Congress, redistricting, and political polarization...
NationalityAmerican
ProfessionSociologist
Date of Birth10 September 1944
CountryUnited States of America
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We are not separate and independent entities, but like links in a chain, and we could not by any means be what we are without those who went before us and showed us the way.
order enemy answers
You ask what is the use of classification, arrangement, and systemization? I answer you: order and simplification are the first steps toward the mastery of a subject - the actual enemy is the unknown.
fate needs reason
Human reason needs only to will more strongly than fate, and she is fate.
party mean race
The increase in straight-ticket party voting in recent years means that competitive congressional races can tip one way or the other depending on the showing of the candidates at the top of the ticket.
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The public's evaluation of the job George W. Bush is doing as president changed dramatically as a result of the horrific attacks of September 11 and his response in leading the country on a campaign against terrorism.
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Party and ideology routinely trump institutional interests and responsibilities. Regular order - the set of rules, norms and traditions designed to ensure a fair and transparent process - was the first casualty. The results: No serious deliberation. No meaningful oversight of the executive. A culture of corruption.
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Mandates are not objective realities but subjective interpretations of elections sold successfully by the winning candidate or party.
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Democrats do best in urban centers, Republicans in outer suburbs and rural areas.
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Private sector labors unions continue to suffer losses in their membership while public sector and service unions grow.
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I don't believe in a golden mean; I don't believe you find policy wisdom between two polar points. I don't dismiss that possibility, but I look at the platform that's so ideologically based, that's so dismissive of facts, of evidence, of science, and it's frankly hard to take seriously.
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Incumbents are safe, but party majorities are not. This fosters symbolic votes, message politics and little serious legislating in Congress.
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Partisanship particularly increased after the 1994 elections and then the appearance of the first unified Republican government since the 1950s.
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Incumbency adds a layer of advantage on top of this party dominance. But rather than foster an environment in which members of Congress feel free to buck popular sentiment and wrestle seriously with the problems confronting the country, it reinforces the ideological divide between the parties.
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Second, the President's popularity has not translated into increased support for the Republican party or for the policies and approaches on domestic policy championed by the President.